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The Politics of Apology
Kalam Nishan Singh


Of and on, we keep hearing demands that the Indian Government, or the Indian Parliament, or the Congress Party should apologise for the 1984 genocide of the Sikhs. The Sikhs see no hope anytime soon for such a consideration from the Indian rulers who have run roughshod with brute power and sinister agendas to muffle, muzzle and browbeat the brave Sikh community because it refuses to buckle before the hegemonic brahamanical forces. But what is this idea of a political apology, or the meta-narrative of the apologia?

Any apology depends on how one has narrated the sequence to oneself about which the apology is to be sought. There has been significant work on “narratology” of this kind. Each side’s narrative is both an account of the injury, and an allocation of blame; ideal and reality, exoneration and fault, are all woven together, and forgiveness can be seen as in part an attempt to harmonize the narratives, so that the story comes to an end in a new beginning.

 

In the real world, some things will always remain unforgiven, and that forgiveness must be distinguished from forgetting, condoning or turning away in defeat.

Is this something that has happened as far as Operation Bluestar or October/November Genocide of Sikhs is concerned? Has the Congress actually made any sincere effort at marrying, or even contrasting, the two highly different narratives? The injury and the action of seeking an apology is as important as the final forgiveness. Any view that the forgiveness is simply a gift is a negation of the idea of reconciliation through such a phenomenon.

Sonia Gandhi saying some reconciliatory words about Operation Bluestar or PM

Manmohan Singh uttering some touching words about anti-Sikh pogrom are examples of classic Indian political “apologies”, uttered into the void and side-stepping responsibility rather than assuming it and seeking forgiveness. Missing are the acts of penitence.

The Sikhs must understand that such vacuous apologies or resolutions in Parliament, or demands for a two-minute silence for 1984 pogrom victims are no replacement for the much more serious task of setting the record straight and executing justice.

The University of Alabama offered apology in 2004 for its exploitation of slaves in the nineteenth century. Robert McNamara, the former US Secretary of Defense, had apologized for the debacle in Vietnam. Were these forgiven?

In the real world, some things will always remain unforgiven, and that forgiveness must be distinguished from forgetting, condoning or turning away in defeat.

The language of forgiveness too often softens and sentimentalizes the issue. Forgetfulness of a wrong cannot be tagged as an apology and peddled as a political bargain chip. Then, it will only be a guilt-edged political security. And it is difficult to forgive anything edged with guilt. That is why 1984 pogrom will live on. And it will outlive all the Sajjan Kumars and Jagdish Tytlers. It will even outlive Congress. New Delhi should shudder to think that there is a possibility that it may even outlive the idea of India.

4 November  2009
 

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