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How much Punjab do we need?
Sach Kanwal Singh 

 

At the World Sikh News, we often receive two kinds of response from our readers. First, there is a large section of readership that engages with the many aspects of politics, economy and social milieu in Punjab, and often either agree or at times even strongly disagree with our editorial stance. But there is a small but significant section of the readership, a majority of them from the younger generation, who often write to say that there is too much of Punjab in the World Sikh News. This is an attempt at broadening the contours of that debate.

 

At the World Sikh News, we often receive two kinds of response from our readers. First, there is a large section of readership that engages with the many aspects of politics, economy and social milieu in Punjab, and often either agree or at times even strongly disagree with our editorial stance. But there is a small but significant section of the readership, a majority of them from the younger generation, who often write to say that there is too much of Punjab in the World Sikh News. 

"You should write about the college admissions here, and you should include the view point of the younger generation of Sikhs," we often get to read in the mails from the younger readers in the United States

The World Sikh News editorial team takes criticism and proactive engagement very seriously, and your suggestions have been consistently a topic of debate, discussion and often a trigger for new features, changes, styles in the newspaper over the years. 

We take this opportunity to open the debate a little bit and invite more suggestions, even from the readers who are often not given to start banging on a keyboard and fire a mail to the editors. The newsroom has, however, an equal amount of respect for the silent majority just as it is alive to the intensely expressed sentiments of those who take the pains to write in and be counted. 

Let us take you back to the real nature and objective of the newspaper. The World Sikh News was started as a community newspaper, a prism to help us see the world through the perspective of Sikh values and interests, and to reflect upon issues in a paradigm that is in consonance with the viewpoint of the community. Over a period of time, it has broadened its agenda to act as a force multiplier for many right thinking people and groups, has emerged as a major voice in the human rights debate, and has pushed the boundaries of excellence in community journalism in English. 

But all through it, we did not lose sight of the main and initial objective of the newspaper as a community journal. 

And as a community journal, it becomes imperative for us to engage with where the historic capital formation of the community took place. By the blessings of the Akal Purakh, the Sikh community Diaspora has been making major progress all around the globe but the fact remains that the historic capital of Sikhism lies largely in Punjab. 

Our great shrines, language, customs, songs, metaphors, similes, all have roots in Punjab. Even as Sikhs take huge leaps in business, politics and economics in other parts of the world, somehow an intrinsic connection remains with Punjab. A large number of Sikhs, and our readers are no exception, want to know how the brethrens in Punjab are being dealt by the state establishment, how their children are studying, and how have they been charting the course of destiny. 

As a community, the section that is better off or away from the shameless figures on health and education core sectors cannot ignore to know that a large majority of Punjab's children are malnourished, that its schools are virtually rendered useless with years of neglect, that the government-run health care system is completely broken down and the poor have none or little access to even basic medicine.  

At a time when the world is in the throes of panic from Swine Flu, children in Punjab are dying of something as simple as gastroenteritis. The poor in Punjab cannot even afford atta and dal at market rates but the government is busy making claims of unprecedented development. 

Our great shrines, language, customs, songs, metaphors, similes, all have roots in Punjab. Even as Sikhs take huge leaps in business, politics and economics in other parts of the world, somehow an intrinsic connection remains with Punjab. A large number of Sikhs, and our readers are no exception, want to know how the brethrens in Punjab are being dealt by the state establishment, how their children are studying, and how have they been charting the course of destiny.

 

By its own admission, the Punjab government is giving atta and dal at very low rates to some 15 lakh families. Assuming five people to a family, Punjab has about 45 lakh families. So, one third of its population cannot even afford atta and dal, the metaphoric poor man's staple diet.  

Shockingly, the number of poor in Punjab is on the rise, and the Sikh community in Punjab or part of the Diaspora, cannot have the luxury of not understanding the phenomena that is bringing this about. By the latest count, the number of poor, that is, officially poor, has swelled to a whopping 38 per cent in Punjab. And it is rising by the day as food prices are soaring. Even as official propaganda feeds you the images of luxury cars, cell phone density and LCD TV sales, what it does not tell you is that Punjab has overtaken Haryana in poverty figures. 

Apart from the 14.51 lakh families covered under the cheap atta-dal scheme, some 4.61 lakh families are under the Union Government's Below Poverty Line scheme and Antodaya Anna Yojana, taking the total to 19 lakh! You can imagine the figures for the unemployed, underemployed and the state of the farm labourers and the landless at a time when even the landowners are facing a crisis of their life. 

Punjab's farm sector is in crisis, and farmers have been committing suicide at the rate of one a day. For years, the government refused to even acknowledge that any farmer was dying because of farm crisis, and when it finally did, the estimates of deaths swung between 30 and 4,000. In what kind of a welfare state is human life, the life of citizens treated so casually? 

Shamed, the state government announced Rs 2 lakh relief to families of the dead farmers but not a single family has received the money even months after the announcement. 

Eight teachers retire in Punjab every day, 240 in a month, about 3,000 in a year. For nearly eight years, not a single teacher is recruited. Then, the government-run school system is accused of failing. Finally, the government tries to paint itself with some glory by further killing the system by recruiting "teachers on theka" at ridiculously low salaries.  

All this while, lo and behold, the number of colleges churning out teachers grows manifold. So, Punjab's newspapers are daily full of the staple news of lathicharge on teachers, on unemployed teachers, on dismissed teachers, on suspended teachers, on contract teachers, on regular teachers. 

The state of the hospitals is no different, and the village dispensary system has died long back. The poor have been condemned to rot and die, while the state boasts of mega projects, malls, international airport, five star hotels and what not. 

Clearly, in such a scenario, the cultural capital is also fizzling out. Notwithstanding the brouhaha raised by some well-meaning souls on the question of Punjabi language, the fact remains that the language is suffering because of skewed politics and policies of the state.

Punjab is on the verge of a social and environmental catastrophe. Its politics has become completely feudal. The Akali politics has become limited to cater to the interests of just one family. This, when the number of poor in Punjab is on the rise, and the Sikh community in Punjab or part of the Diaspora, cannot have the luxury of not understanding the phenomena that is bringing this about. By the latest count, the number of poor, that is, officially poor, has swelled to a whopping 38 per cent in Punjab.

 

Across Punjab's universities, the student intake in Punjab language courses has been on the decline. University managements are eager to shut language courses and instead start fashion technology ones since they bring in money. The Punjabi University’s religious studies department this year did not see admission of even five students against 40 seats, and the philosophy department is on the verge of being shut down. 

Turn to environment and Punjab's soil has turned poisonous, the water level has plunged so low that the idea of 3 to 5 horse power motors does not exist anymore. Farmers are condemned to use 10-15 HP motors, and they burn immense amounts of diesel because the power situation is so bad. Urban areas also suffer cuts of 10 hours almost on a routine basis and not a single megawatt of electricity has been added in years now. 

The future looks utterly bleak. Punjab's river waters have become extremely polluted, a fact effectively highlighted by Baba Seechewal and other activists. The air quality is already bad, and all power projects now in the pipeline are thermal ones, and will burn more fossil fuel. Thousands are being pushed out of farming but there is no accounting how they are finding a livelihood.  

We are on the verge of a social and environmental catastrophe. 

Amid all of this, our politics has become completely feudal and the Akali politics has become limited to cater to the interests of just one family. After Chief Minister Prakash Singh Badal, his son and Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal, the latter's wife Harsimrat Kaur Badal, the CM's son-in-law Adesh Pratap Kairon and Sukhbir's brother-in-law Bikramjit Singh Majithia, who is the most powerful Akali leader? Well, none. 

As for Sikh polity outside the Akali Dal, the rival groups have been either sidelined one by one through dirty tactics or they have been the targets of state repression. The Simranjeet Singh Mann-led Akali Dal (Amritsar) is dormant to play any meaningful in politics. The Bhai Daljit Singh Bittu-led Akali Dal (Panch Pardhani) is currently being victimised by the police forces working directly under Sukhbir Singh Badal. Factions like the one led by Ravi Inder Singh have little to recommend themselves. Dal Khalsa’s effectiveness is limited by the range of its resources and ways of functioning. 

Also, an aspect that is of much concern to Sikhs worldwide is how our historical shrines are managed, how are Jathedars of Sikh Takhts chosen, how is the top religious leadership selected and how is it made accountable to the sangat. In order to dwell on any of these issues, it becomes automatically important and vital to engage with the nitty-gritty of politics in Punjab since the entire panthic and religious domain's management involves the functioning of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), and any discussion about SGPC's functioning has to entail a look into the working of the Akali Dal led by Badal and the marginalisation of other Akali factions. 

So much so that many debates and issues emerging in gurdwaras in the US, Canada and the UK are directly linked to either a decision taken by the SGPC, an edict issued by the Akal Takht or a debate raging in Punjab. 

Across the United States, you often come across politicians, academics, religious leaders visiting from Punjab. In order to have a meaningful interactive dialogue with them, we need to be cued into Punjab's political, social, economic, literary and academic life. 

The recent seminars on Sikh community issues, particularly those marking the 25th anniversary of Indian Army's attack on Sri Akal Takht Sahib, at the University of California, Berkeley and the Harvard University featured experts from so many fields and universities but one thing that was common was their extensive knowledge of how things operated in Punjab

So much so that many debates and issues emerging in gurdwaras in the US, Canada and the UK are directly linked to either a decision taken by the SGPC, an edict issued by the Akal Takht or a debate raging in Punjab. Across the United States, you often come across politicians, academics, religious leaders visiting from Punjab. In order to have a meaningful interactive dialogue with them, we need to be cued into Punjab's political, social, economic, literary and academic life.

 

The Sikh community is today facing one of the most serious challenges in the form of attempts to assimilate its concerns, identity and existence. The biggest recognisable face of such attempts is the dera culture prevailing in Punjab. Hundreds of thousands of gullible Sikhs are being lured to one or the other baba or dera sadh, and subtly but surely, they are being led into brahamanical ways. A dangerous interpretation of Sikhism is being peddled by these deras. The SGPC is fully aware of the threat, but is not doing much about it. Some sections, like the Dal Khalsa, the Akali Dal (Panch Pardhani), the Shiromani Khalsa Panchayat etc are more acutely aware of the onslaught and have been trying to spearhead a frontal attack but find their way blocked and their hands tied by those at the helm of political power in Punjab. 

The Sikh Diaspora is well aware of the dera culture menace, and knows only too well that many such dera wallahs derive their funds and influence from pockets outside India. But in order to fight the dera system, it is pertinent that we keep an eye on happenings in Punjab. Fighting the deras on foreign soil will not yield much results unless you take them on here in Punjab. 

And even to begin the fight against the derawaad, it becomes important to understand why the dera culture took roots? That will immediately bring you to understand the various layers in the political system of not just in Punjab but in India. 

Now, all of this argument was limited to religious and political domains. We do understand the Sikh Diaspora is making major progress in coming up with literary landmark works. A recent book published by the Oxford University Press focusing on Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy is a case in point, but even as this work engages with the contribution of the Sikh Diaspora in community building projects, it only underlines the argument about maintaining a livewire organic connection with Punjab. 

India's huge cultural muscle, the Bollywood churnings, are focusing on Punjab and more often that not, they present a corrupted picture of the land of the Gurus. Serious attempts at presenting before the world a region where lies the linguistic cultural capital of Sikhism are tough to find in India. While we hail the efforts being made by aware souls in the community to counter such output by the Bollywood industry with intelligently put together Sikh film festivals, we must guard against letting Bollywood paint a corrupted notion of what Punjabi culture is all about. But how does one engage and counter such pernicious cultural onslaught without understanding and stay informed about the political, social, cultural notions of India as a country? 

One of the areas that should and does hugely interest the Sikh community is the entire debate about human rights. The Sikh Diaspora experience, particularly the post 1980s wave of migrants, is indicator enough of how poorly developed notions of human rights can commit inexplicable violence on our young ones. Indian establishment's ruthless ways of dealing with the Sikh aspirational struggle in Punjab, the perfecting of the strategy of fake encounter killings, and the untold miseries to which thousands of our youth were pushed leave us with little option but to engage with the human rights debate and try and see where we can multiply forces with other co-journeymen fighting for human dignity and against state oppression. 

The sorry part is that this tendency to violate basic human rights in a most overt form continues to plague the police and security forces in India even at a time when the Akali Dal led by Prakash Singh Badal is in power. Worst, the police in the state of Punjab has been victimising the most well known people from the panthic leadership, the ones who enjoy huge credibility with the sangat in Punjab as well as abroad. Such a state of affairs does not allow is the luxury to reduce our focus from Punjab at all. 

The Sikh Diaspora has done tremendous work in telling the larger word the Sikh story. If the world today knows about the reality of Operation Bluestar as the Saka Ari Akal Takht Sahib 1984, if it knows about the killings of hundreds of Sikhs on the roads of India’s national capital Delhi, it is because of the immense efforts of Sikh Diaspora. Where in India do you see university campuses coming alive with debate and discussion about the events of 1984? But if this is happening in Berkeley or Harvard, it is because of the Diaspora.

Efforts to deliver justice to the victims of the genocide of Sikhs are becoming increasingly located in the west. Politicians in Punjab merely pay lip service to the widows of 1984.

The cultural war is being fought through Sikh film festivals and gurmat camps by Sikhs outside India. It is something we are acutely aware of.

Yes, it is true that the World Sikh News needs to ramp up its coverage of Diaspora affairs and concerns. We need to be better cued into community concerns in various other parts of the globe. How are our children faring in schools and college admissions is a serious area of concern, and we need to cover it. For that, we need massive cooperation from our readership. We invite you to send in suggestions and advice, criticism and thought points. 

And we seek your continued engagement with the project that the World Sikh News is all about. It is not just a newspaper. It is a work in progress. The Sikh community outside India needs to majorly develop a notion of emancipated pedagogy for our future generations, and this task will only be possible by a wholesome knowledge about the Sikh struggle, the Sikh mindscape, the Sikh experience in Punjab and in India and the challenges that the Sikh Nation faces in various regions of the globe.

30 September 2009
 

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