|
Crisis in Agriculture: New peasant movement needed
Indian
agriculture, including agriculture in Punjab, is in grave crisis.
The peasants of Punjab who contribute 60% of wheat and 40% of
rice to the national granary are also committing governments are
trying to resolve this problem by inducting the multinational
companies in the agro sector, many wonder if such an approach can
resolve the agri-crisis? If not, what is the alternative? Well known
economist Dr. Sucha Singh Gill argues the scenario in this critique,
specially penned for the Amritsar Times. We present the third and
the last part of the series.
The
new agriculture policy is
the part of new
development model adopted in India. This model comprises of ceasing
employment in public sector, privatization of governmental and
cooperative institutions and to hand it over to the private sector,
to promote the business of private companies and to offer them
facilities.
The plea of this
model is that sundry works are not of much use and small owners
become incapable of applying the new techniques in production. So in
place of malls are being opened by big companies.
In education and
health, private owners are opening educational institution (schools,
colleges and universities), five star hospitals, banks, telephone
and transport companies. In place of PUDA, mega private builders are
founding colonies. The prices of the flats are sky-rocketing. As
such, the land is being acquired by the government through official
notifications and sold to the companies on cheap rates at many
places near the cities, as near Mohali, for establishing industries,
companies of information technology, hospitals, and for urban
colonies. Due to this trend, for the last 3-4 years in Punjab, the
agricultural land is being converted into non-agricultural works at
the rate of 23,000 hectares per annum. The cultivation of crops and
contract-farming is being implemented through mega-companies to
strengthen the private companies; the institutions of public sector
are being auctioned. It comprises of cooperative sugar mills,
government hospitals, schools and electricity boards. Despite this,
a long list of government cooperatives was prepared by the
Disinvestment Commission. Some of these cooperatives have ceased,
some have been saved by the efforts of struggling government
employees but are dying gradually. Its functioning is being finished
on the plea of excessive employees and for want of funds. Government
schools, colleges and hospitals are included in it. This model is
being implemented by the present government.
Punjab requires a policy of settlement, not of destruction
The powerful
section of the officialdom is openly advocating in favour of
privatisation and extending facilities. The politicians, ruling as
well as of opposition parties, are either in favour of this model
or silently support it. In this model, the work of small shopkeeper
would go to the mega companies and by agreement with the mega
companies, the peasants will be made their slaves. Small peasants
will be ousted from agriculture. Among these peasants, some are
purchasing land in for-off villages. Rest are squandering away the
money because they do not know any other work, except agriculture.
The people of Punjab left idle under this model, a small number of
them will get employment in these companies. Majority of them will
remain idlers or will have to work on very minimum wages. The
present model will serve well only the upper-class. The economic and
social position of majority of the population will be lowered. The
people do not easily accept their economic and social downfall. By
this a round of violence can take place. It is imperative that other
alternatives more acceptable than this situation are found. It is
important to stop the forced emigration of youth that the ban on
government employment be lifted and enrolment be done on merit
basis. The wages and emoluments of the employees working in private
institutions be set taking into consideration the family needs and
should meticulousl y be implemented and working conditions be
regulated. Besides this, Punjab too should go the way it is
happening in Himachal Pradesh, where the government has set the
minimum ratio of 75% for locals when enrolment takes place in the
private sector occurs. By doing so, the people of Punjab necessarily
will wish to work in the private sector. The peasantry ought to be
saved from the exploitation of the private companies in the market.
Already the commission agents have very much squeezed the peasantry.
The big companies will finish them off. The peasantry cannot be
saved from this attack by way of contract farming.
An arrangement
will have to be made by the governmental agencies to purchase the
crop of the peasants by abolishing the mediators (commission agents,
private procurement companies). Out of it can will come some good
for the peasantry. Those who want to do their own jobs are to be
trained and economically helped. By this the peasantry, shopkeepers,
small industries and businessmen will properly manage their
livelihood. In Eastern Asians and Europe’s Scandinavian countries in
the former stages of economic development, instead of abolishing the
peasantry made it a partner. For this, cooperative institutions have
to be encouraged. In our country, the officialdom has swallowed and
digested the cooperative institutions, because the cooperative lawsare full of flaws. Several times it has been felt in the country
to amend the cooperative laws and to make them favouring the
peasantry. In 1995’s model cooperative act was enacted. Instead of
selling the produce as raw-material, the government can go for
processing and by means of collective bargaining a suitable price
can be achieved. By this the cooperative institutions can take into
their hands the work of marketisation of the processed produce of
agriculture. By doing so a lot of employment opportunities can be
generated for the peasantry and the income greatly enhanced.
The cooperative
institutions by way of collective bargaining in the market can have
all necessities on cheap rates and can avail loans from the banks.
It is not essential that for social and economic development that
peasantry be destroyed. The Punjab government must take into
confidence the peasantry, and in urban areas, shopkeepers, owners of
small industries and the businessmen instead of private companies
and big business houses. Instead of the policy of destruction, the
policy of settlement be implemented. The participation of Punjabi
people can be done under this policy through peasant organisations
and in cities through the organisations of shopkeepers and small
industrial owners. But for this the political leadership will have
to come out of the influence of officialdom of indigenous and
foreign companies. The idea of conducting seminars in five star
hotels will nto work. Instead of investing productive capital, the
money is being spent on advertising unnecessarily. At the moment
those having no contact with the people and their problems have
control over the economy.
These are the die
hard supporters of the concept of marketisation.
Let the
Peasant Leaders Understand the Problems of the Peasantry
The main role of
the peasant organisations is to organise the peasants for their own
protection.
For the last 30-35
years, the mainstream peasant movement has adopted a reactionary
role. In reaction to the government policies on some economic
demands, they organise the peasantry for agitation and some of the
demands are got accepted on formal basis. But we must remember that
even these movements are opposed to agricultural-labourers and the
employees and have never made the unity of workers and peasants the
main issue. Besides, the farmers’ movements are too divided and
cannot generate ideas to take on the new crisis. Some of the organisations are being led by the commission agents. Some leaders
have become commission agents after the movement is over and take
advantage of the occasion. There are also those who organise the
movement on the plea of prices of the agro-produce and for the
purchase of goods relating to agriculture but are not capable to
comprehend the development of capitalism. On paper, they talk  of
land reforms (land to the tiller). For the last 30-35 years, they
are not combining their theory with practice.
The gap between
theory and practice is continuously widening. This is the only
reason that the small peasants are renting out their land to
the rich tenants. In this situation, the protection of tenants means
the protection of the capitalist. In the modern times the model of
solo-farming is suitable only to the capitalist peasantry. Small
peasantry is weak in capital, ownership of land is meager, market
forces are against it. He does not have the requisite knowledge.
Health facilities are not available. Therefore, alone they cannot
compete in the open market today. Decimation of environment, such as
weakening of fertility of land, and the going down of water table,
further weakens this peasantry. For such peasantry, not capitalist
reforms but cooperative land reforms are required. Cooperative
farming and limited capital should be put together, to get
reasonable prices with the help of mutual purchasing power and to
buy inputs on cheap rates. Besides this, along with agriculture,
supportive jobs and for the creation of more opportunities for
employment, there is a need for further producing agro-products.
Efforts should be made to render standard education and for creating
health facilities in the villages and to make the research and
extension in agriculture effective. This needs a great deal of strong
dedication and implementation. It demands understanding of struggle
and creation. It is the quality of a strong movement to enact along
with the struggle a meaningful socio-economical model. This quality
cannot be created by the present peasant movement. It is the reason
only that this movement is procapitalist in character and not that
of small and marginal peasantry.
That is why this
movement could not win the confidence of small and marginal
peasants.
I request the
peasant leaders that they understand the peasant problems and should
lead the scattered peasantry. We need to take into consideration the
lengthy process of transformation of economy, alternate concepts,
organise the movement and start struggles. Along with economic
movement, the work of reconstruction (rich social values, less
expenditure on marriages, a society free from intoxicants and a
sense of mutual relationship) is inseparable. A comprehensive
ideology is needed with which preparations can be made for the
moulding of an ideal man and that of society. In this movement,
along with economic reconstruction, social-justice, rich social
values, the development of human resources, will work together. Only
an awakened movement can move forward to construct alternate models.
Such a movement has the ability to organise people and save them
from ruin. This is an uphill task and demands a lot of patience and
struggle. The direction of the peasant movement can only be changed
by this and a way for a peasant salvation can be opened.
Only
an awakened movement can move forward to construct alternate models.
Such a movement has the ability to organise people. This is an
uphill task and demands a lot of patience and struggle. The
direction of the peasant movement can only be changed by this and a
way for a peasant salvation can be opened.
3 January 2007
|
Read Also