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Minority Report: Calculating Damage In Supreme Court
Kalam Nishan Singh

 

At a time when Akalis and the SGPC are gloating over the stay by Supreme Court on High Court’s definition of a ‘Minority’, it is pertinent to study the larger damage being done to the Sikh community, as also to the construct of a ‘Minority’ in India through legal stratagems.

 

ON THE face of it, it is a rather innocent development, and the latest has perhaps been making the Sikhs a little bit happy. In reality, it is a development most sinister, and the Sikh community should be very very worried at the arguments which have won the day for it.

A young man went to the Punjab and Haryana High Court, claiming he has been robbed of his right to admission in an SGPC-run medical college because the SGPC has reserved some seats for the Sikh students. The High Court said, looking at the census data, that Sikhs are not in a minority in Punjab as far as demographic figures are concerned and therefore the SGPC cannot reserve seats for Sikh students.

The SGPC as well as the state government tried to argue that only a baptized person was a Sikh, and that the court should strictly follow the definition of Sikh as per as the Sikh Gurdwara Act, and going by that the number of people who can qualify as being called "Sikhs" is very small, so it should be allowed to reserve seats. The High Court did not agree to such contentions.

The state government went to the Supreme Court which has stayed the order of the High Court. The Tribune newspaper carried the headline: "HC order on Sikhs stayed; Way cleared for allowing reservation to Sikh students in SGPC institutions."  Most Sikh circles have celebrated the Supreme Court's decision (by a Bench comprising Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justice M K Sharma) of ordering the stay. There has been absolutely no discussion or debate on the ramifications of the High Court order, the sinister implications of the arguments put forth by the Punjab state government as well as the SGPC in relation to the case in Supreme Court, and the entire focus has been on expressing happiness at the apex court's decision.

The SGPC is allowed to reserve up to 50 per cent seats exclusively for members of the Sikh community on the basis that Sikhs are a minority community. This permission has been granted vide a notification. Another notification issued under the Punjab Private Health Sciences Educational Institutions Act notifies the Christian and Sikh educational institutions as being minority institutions in Punjab for the purposes of the said Act.

Punjab’s counsel Ajay Pal told the Supreme Court that there were a number of sects like Nirmalas, Udasis, Ram Raias, Dera Sacha Sauda, Radha Soamis and Nirankaris etc. who cannot be considered to be Sikhs. If these sects are left out, then the number of Sikhs is not so high, and therefore they should be considered a minority, argued SGPC counsel Harish Salve. The Punjab government, through senior advocate Rajeev Dhawan, adoted the same line.

The Supreme Court stayed the high court's order. The case will go on for long, and government circles are happy because the law in India runs its course very slowly. As sections of the media have noted, it may take quite some time even before the case can be listed for hearing by the SC leave alone deciding it.  

 

There is need to understand the perniciousness in this logic. Where will a minority be able to stress, stamp and exhibit its little power and give out a sign to its upcoming generations that it is making a collective effort to improve the lot of the masses? Obviously in a place where it has a concentration of resources and manpower and material self-sufficiency.

 

Problems with Punjab’s and SGPC's approach: 

There are serious problems with the arguments raised by Punjab Government and the SGPC at the earlier stage when the case was with the High Court as well as now. First of all, the question of who is a minority in India has not been decided under any law in this country. India has a National Commission for Minorities which deals largely with all matters related to minority communities. Under a notification, the country has five minorities. Symbols of all five minorities, including the Sikhs, are part of even the logo of the National Minorities Commission, of which Tarlochan Singh was not so long ago the Chairman and a very active one. If the definition of the minority is now to be considered at a state wise level, then what happens to the earlier notification? And what happens to the National Minorities Commission?

The Punjab and Haryana High Court judgment has taken away the very grounds from under the feet of the National Commission for Minorities. If there are going to be no national minorities, then what is the federal commission’s role?

Why has the SGPC and the Punjab Government not even questioned the total and deafening silence from the side of the Commission?  

Also, since when has the concept of the minority come to be seen so rigorously on the basis of the demography? The idea of one or the other community being seen as a minority has little or nothing to do with the numbers, and has more to do with the general level of development, a whole of social indices and the extent and duration of persecution it has faced and also on the overall perception of the community’s location in the socio-political mindscape of the nation-state. 

Why does no Brahman in India lose sleep despite being such a miniscule minority? And were Muslims ever a majority in India during the entire period of Mughal rule? Perhaps the British in India were the acutest of the minorities in India during the colonial period but were they worried on that score? And who were worried? Of course the largest majority – the Hindus. 

As social scientist after social scientist has made clear, the construct of “Minority” has to do with power and influence and development, and not just with numbers. No one doubts this line of reasoning, except the SGPC and the Akali leadership which instead has brought the debate down to a headcount and then gone on a game of exclusion – exclude sect x, then also exclude sect y, and so on and so forth, till only just so many people are left to be called Sikhs that the SGPC is able to stuff a few more seats with students of its choice! 

The Game is much more sinister: 

The game of definition of minority is much more sinister than it seems on the face. Not long ago, the World Sikh News had blown the lid off a draft bill, cleared by the Sikh Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh, as per which the minorities were to be defined at the state level, of course after vesting the Center with enough power to declare anyone a minority even if it does not qualify under the bill.  

Later, sections of the Indian media picked up the story and CM Parkash Singh Badal had reacted by condemning the move (See www.WorldSikhNews.com for details.)

Ever since then, systematic attempts are being made which have slipped the media’s gaze. Couple of states in the South, including Karnataka, have already issued notifications terming the ‘Sikhs’ as a ‘minority.’ Innocently, the local Sikhs have welcomed the move, again without understanding the implications. What was the need to declare Sikhs of Karnataka a minority? Clearly, it was to underline the new principle that a minority is to be defined at the state level. 

By this logic, clearly Punjab will very soon be obligated to issue a notification to certify Hindus, Muslims and every other community except the Sikhs as a ‘minority’.  By the same logic, Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir will be no more a minority in that state. 

There is need to understand the perniciousness in this logic. Where will a minority be able to stress, stamp and exhibit its little power and give out a sign to its upcoming generations that it is making a collective effort to improve the lot of the masses? Obviously in a place where it has a concentration of resources and manpower and material self-sufficiency. So Sikhs will try to set up educational institutions and community’s forums in Punjab, Christians will have similar resources and initiatives going in north-eastern states of India will Muslims will like to have such centers to help their community excel in Kashmir.  

But here comes the Indian nation-state, saying, ‘No, you cannot do it where you can because you have enough numbers here and you certainly will be able to do so. Therefore, try doing it where you cannot.’ That is a sure-shot recipe to guarantee failure even before the attempt is made.  

And nothing can harm a minority community more than a systematic attempt to push it into such a groove in which it starts chucking out its own out of the larger definition of the community. Instead of trying to weave back the various sects and cults, instead of bringing those who have gone astray back to mainstream, the SGPC and the Akali leadership is now busy telling the high court in India that they are a lost case, a lost cause and have been counted out.  

This is an approach most reductionist in nature. The Sikh community will do better to understand the underlying themes of such actions. It is time we open the debate to the larger community rather than letting highly-paid senior lawyers and some of India’s best brains argue a position in the Supreme Court which may well win for us the right to admit some students in a medical college but lose out on the very core of the value system and the larger question of what makes a minority a minority. In social sciences, debates are more complex than what can be handled on calculators.

21 May, 2008
 

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