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Nagas seek
decolonisation
Kekhrie Yhome
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The Naga leadership has been consistently engaging the Indian
political leadership in dialogue. Perhaps the only movement in
the Indian sub-continent which has managed political legitimacy
with their leader Th. Muivah having engaged in talks with home
ministry officials and even the Prime Minister of the country.
In a wide-raging interview with social activist Kekhri Yhome,
the leader touches various aspects of the Naga nationalistic
struggle and emphasizes the need for more dialogue and
interaction to resolve political disputes. The Naga movement
has come a long way. The oldest armed struggle in the
Subcontinent has not only sustained itself over the course of
some six decades, but has also inspired and aided many regional
nationalities on the path of insurrection. The modern history of
the Nagas is one of both military and human-rights concern. Many
lives have been lost; yet even today the movement persists. With
an unresolved future, there is currently fear and uncertainty
among the civilians impacted upon by the movement, despite the
fact that the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, Isak-Muivah
(NSCN-IM) and the Indian government have been conducting talks
since the ceasefire of 1997.
Though one may not agree with all the opinions expressed by the
long serving leader of the Nagas, it is important to understand
their point of view. |
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The Naga movement has come a long way. The oldest armed
struggle in the Subcontinent has not only sustained itself over the
course of some six decades, but has also inspired and aided many
regional nationalities on the path of insurrection. The modern
history of the Nagas is one of both military and human-rights
concern. Many lives have been lost; yet even today the movement
persists. With an unresolved future, there is currently fear and
uncertainty among the civilians impacted upon by the movement,
despite the fact that the National Socialist Council of Nagalim,
Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and the Indian government have been conducting
talks since the ceasefire of 1997. Thuingaleng Muivah, 73, the
general secretary of the NSCN (IM), recently in
Delhi, spoke with
Kekhrie Yhome to reminisce about his war experiences and current
hopes. The interview was conducted in English.
KY: How would you justify choosing to articulate the Nagas’
desire through the language of violence and military action?
TM: The Nagas could understand the danger of being
suppressed. To the Nagas, freedom is more important than anything
else. Freedom, for the Nagas, means that they themselves would
decide their fate. This is the most decisive issue for every nation.
When that freedom is given up, the Nagas know that their rights of
existence are gone forever. Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian
nation, was approached by the Naga leaders in 1947, and he said,
“Nagas have every right to be independent.” The Nagas declared their
independence on
14 August 1947, one
day ahead of India’s declaration of independence. With the demise of
Mahatma Gandhi, the policy of the Indian leadership changed.
Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence was no longer upheld. When a
delegation of the Naga leaders approached Jawaharlal Nehru to settle
the Indo-Naga issue, Nehru immediately lashed out, saying, “Even if
heaven falls and the whole country goes to pieces and runs red with
blood, I will not allow the Nagas to be independent.” At another
point, he said, “It will take just a few days for the Indian armed
forces to crush the Nagas.” After bitter fighting for 50 years or
so, the Indian leadership realised that a military solution was not
possible. The issue was political, and they had to seek a peaceful
political solution. A ceasefire was declared in August 1997 by both
the parties, and the Nagas did not fail to respond to an approach of
non-violence.
KY: Have changes in international politics and globalisation
impacted your original ideology?
 TM: The march of history – in terms of de-colonisation, race
consciousness and, of course, the Cold War – has in different ways
impacted upon people’s thinking and their politics. The emergence of
market forces affected the stress on political identity. But one
should know that as long as political suppression and economic
exploitation exist and continue, revolution can never be ruled out.
And, in addition, ideological standing will not fade away. As long
as suppression and oppression continue in any human society,
military means would be unavoidable.
KY: The Naga army is known for its warfare skills, and the
Indian government’s renowned Counter-insurgency Jungle Warfare
School (CIJWS), in Mizoram, bases its syllabus on the Naga
experience. What makes the Naga a warrior par excellence?
TM: When a fight becomes necessary between a small man and a
giant, the small one will have to know that the fight will be very
dangerous, given that he is no match for the giant. He must try to
find all of the giant’s weak points. First, he should know that
close fighting is never to his advantage. He should take the
initiative, and let the giant react. In other words, he should never
allow the giant to take the initiative. Any fight must be according
to his initiative, and then the giant can be reduced to a state of
helplessness. Therefore, when and where he has to attack, the small
one should never venture to fight without first knowing the weak
points and location of the giant. If a section of the Naga army can
create a situation that requires a battalion of the Indian Army to
cope with it, this is always to the benefit of the Nagas. The Naga
armed forces can thus keep their adversaries on the move, and wear
them out. In a word, the giant is kept in a state of unrest. The
CIJWS in Mizoram has tall claims, but the fact remains that the
Nagas and others have not been subdued, even after 60 years. Above
all, if guerrillas are able to make clear that their cause is just,
and that the adversaries are in the wrong, they will be invincible
and the strongest in their own land.
KY: The NSCN continues to attract young people, despite the
fact that it doesn’t offer incentives. What is the recruitment
process, and what kind of training does a Naga cadet undergo?
TM: The morale of the revolutionary is crucial for the
success of the revolution. This is why the taking of new recruits is
indispensable. Senior people will no longer be in the forefront.
They must be the brain to guide the cadres, but practical
difficulties arise over time for the maintenance of their families.
The organisation has to see to their difficulties, and in this
respect we are a little better off. Recruitment is mostly voluntary,
because forcing the unwilling man is not only harmful but
counter-productive. It would amount to sending a fear-ridden,
unprepared man to fight against the enemy, and it would affect the
morale of the other compatriots. But whoever has been recruited must
be politically taught of the justness of the war. He must be made
spiritually strong, in order to take glory in what it is that he is
fighting for. In other words, he must be truly convinced of what he
is doing. Of course, the practical tactics of fighting must be
learned during battle, in addition to what he has acquired during
training. Above all, a freedom fighter must strictly adhere to
discipline – moral, physical and spiritual. He must be an altogether
self-conscious man.
KY: What is the current strength of the Naga army? What are
its preparations in case the ceasefire breaks?
TM: We don’t necessarily count the strength of our movement
in terms of our army. To be realistic, we will always have the
strength required by the situation. Since the ceasefire is ongoing,
we don’t put much stress on recruitment. If the ceasefire breaks
down, however, we will be compelled to strengthen ourselves with
arms and men. We will understand that
India has no more
political will to solve the problem.
KY: What about your experience in
China, and its
influence on the Naga movement? Do you still believe that power
flows from the barrel of the gun?
TM: I stayed in
China for a fairly
long time. During my first trip, between 1967 and 1973, I interacted
with members of the Communist Party and the Liberation Army, and
with the Chinese people. I also studied the Chinese condition.
Everyone realised the failures and mistakes of the past, and they
are now sufficiently committed to set right the foundation of the
present society. They know when to go forward, and how to retreat
when necessary. I saw in them clarity and a full confidence in
themselves. Chairman Mao’s words are gospel truth, because the power
with which rulers unscrupulously suppress the right of the people
must be crushed. If one has to break a stone, he must use hammer;
but to cut a cloth, he must use scissors. To the rational, one must
be rational. This is the way towards a better society. We run our
institutions based on revolutionary principles and the people’s
desires – although in many ways there are shortcomings and
weaknesses.
 KY: How do you view the present situation vis-à-vis the
pre-ceasefire years?
TM: Nothing can be taken as a certainty. Yes, we are talking
with the government of
India. As long as
the political problem is approached politically, there is nothing to
fear. But when one lacks the will that is required to bring about
the solution, it is most unfortunate. It would be as dangerous as
taking comfort in an illusion. War will be a continuation of
politics by other means.
KY: With many decades of armed struggle, some Nagas have
become disillusioned with the NSCN (IM). What is your take on this
damage?
TM: The adversaries would do their best to exploit the
situation, to stamp out the revolution. But the people do not easily
abandon the cause. Both the masses and the revolutionary cadre
cannot afford to perish. The only way available to them to survive
is to rectify their mistakes and regenerate themselves together as a
people.
India has left no stone unturned to wipe out the Nagas and the force
of their nationalism. The policy they are now resorting to is to
wear us out by protracted design. But the Nagas know that their
salvation does not lie in India.
KY: Does the NSCN (IM) maintain links with other armed
revolutionary groups?
TM: You want to know all our secrets? [Chuckles]
Revolutionaries all over the world are naturally inclined to extend
solidarity and support to each other, even if there are differences
in political aims and objectives. It is no surprise that we help
each other in every possible way.
KY: How would you evaluate the NSCN (IM) and the notion of
‘just war’?
TM: Whether in war or peace, every organisation and human
being must have ethics, for without ethics human being become worse
than animals, which is against the law of creation. It hurts the
conscience of society and people. In any war, killing innocent
people is totally unjust, the greatest crime against humanity. For
example, right from the inception of our resistance movement we have
rarely used anti-personnel mines, because innocent people often
become victims.
KY: Other than staging a war against the Indian state, how
else has your organisation excelled as a people’s revolution?
TM: Mighty
India has
completely failed to crush the little Nagas, and therein we see the
failure of Nehru’s statesmanship – and we don’t wish today’s Indian
leadership to repeat the same mistake. Of course, on our side we
have also made a lot of mistakes, which have led to serious internal
contradictions among our people. But thank god, at every dangerous
situation we could lead our people along the correct national line.
We are able to stand our ground firmly, and have overcome confusion
and uncertainty caused from both within and without. The path to our
destiny is clear, and we are confidently working in that direction.
KY: How would you correlate the NSCN (IM)’s ability to garner
support for such a long period of fighting?
TM: It was the commitment of the Naga leadership to seek a
solution through non-violence, and that is the reason why the Nagas
have the highest esteem for Gandhi. But today we see the greatest
number of killings in
India carried out
in the name of democracy. This is a sad thing. When the Indian
government decided to seek a solution through peaceful means we
readily responded, and not a single Indian soldier has been killed –
although Indian armed forces have killed more than 150 NSCN (IM)
cadres in the ten years of ceasefire.
KY: Against the background of the US-led ‘war on terror’, how
do you see the future of the armed Naga movement?
TM: The government of India called the Nagas ‘terrorists’,
despite the fact that the Nagas have not killed a single innocent
Indian in 60 years of resistance, unless it was by accident or in
crossfire. The term ‘terrorist’ is used by the government and by the
press to intentionally discredit the Nagas. However, in early 1999,
the government officially declared that the Nagas were not
terrorists. In the strict sense, the term ‘terrorist’ implies
killing innocent people for absolutely no reason – something that is
committed in great numbers by the Indian government. Thus, in
reality, the government of
India is the
terrorist.
KY: Do you view ceasefire as a pre-condition for initiating
political dialogue?
TM: If the ceasefire is not honoured – as has been done on
several occasions by the government of
India, taking sides
with traitors openly against us – it would be very unfortunate. It
is a surprise to all sensible people to see arrogance and treachery
in the Indian government’s policy, particularly in dealing with the
Nagas, when the latter are completely committed to finding an
amicable solution to this longest of political issues.
KY: After so many years and so many rounds of talks with the
Indian government, what are your expectations?
TM: Whether one
admits it or not, the outcome of the talks would be crucial in many
ways for others, too. We would be careful not to make mistakes. It
is not wrong to seek a political solution, as we have been doing.
But we should not be misunderstood when we say that an acceptable
solution is still not in the offing. We are very clear that we will
be steadfast in standing our ground, and work towards a solution
which is honourable and acceptable to both entities.
Courtesy:
www.nscnonline.org
17 September 2008
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